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African Union Suspends Niger Over Military Coup
The African Union said Tuesday it had suspended Niger until civilian rule in the country is restored and would assess the implications of any armed intervention in the troubled Sahel nation.
The Peace and Security Council “requests the AU Commission to undertake an assessment of the economic, social and security implications of deploying a standby force in Niger and report back to Council,” the bloc said, following strong differences on the matter.
Army officers toppled President Mohamed Bazoum on July 26, prompting the West African regional bloc ECOWAS to threaten to use force to reinstate him.
ECOWAS — the Economic Community of West African States — agreed to activate a “standby force” as a last resort to restore democracy in Niger.
It has said it is ready to act, even as it continues to pursue hopes for a diplomatic solution.
The AU last week held a meeting on the crisis against a backdrop of divergent views within the bloc over any military intervention.
The coup has heightened international worries over the Sahel, which faces growing jihadist insurgencies linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State group.
Niger is the fourth nation in West Africa since 2020 to suffer a coup, following Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali.
The juntas in Burkina Faso and Mali have said that any military intervention in their neighbour would be considered a “declaration of war” against their countries.
The coup is the fifth in Niger’s history since the impoverished landlocked state gained independence from France in 1960.
Bazoum’s election in 2021 was a landmark, opening the way to the country’s first peaceful transition of power.
He has been held with his family at the president’s official residence since the coup, with growing international concern over his conditions in detention.
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El-Rufai warns ECOWAS against military intervention in Niger
The former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has cautioned the Economic Community of West African States against military intervention in Niger Republic.
The ECOWAS defence chiefs had on Thursday pledged readiness to participate in a standby force that would restore democracy in Niger after generals toppled and detained President Mohamed Bazoum.
In a statement via X, formerly known as Twitter, El-Rufai said, “As ECOWAS beats the drums of war, I recall the 1970s rock classic by Dire Straits – ‘Brothers in Arms’, because a war within our subregion is a war between brothers. Indeed, the people of Niger Republic are one and the same with those living in Northern Nigeria.
“Let us bend therefore over backwards to avoid this civil war between brothers.”
PUNCH reports that the Nigerian Guild of Editors had urged President Bola Tinubu to employ diplomacy in addressing the coup in Niger Republic, saying, “military intervention is now regarded as an aberration around the world.”
Credit to: pucnng.com
Barrow calls for coordination of fiscal and monetary policies
Presiding over the monthly Economic Council Meeting at the State House in Banjul, President Adama Barrow called for continued coordination of Fiscal and Monetary policies during the Council meeting held on Wednesday, 16 August 2023, at the State House in Banjul.
He was briefed by various stakeholder institutions on the state of the economy, from the policymakers and technicians supported by the Department of Delivery, Ministry of Public Service, and the Technical Assistance team from the Tony Blair Institute.
Referencing the Global Economic outlook, the Central Bank of The Gambia (CBG) presented economic developments reporting a projected drop in global inflation from 8.7% in 2022 to 6.8% in 2023. However, global food prices increased.
On the home front, while the CBG forecast a growth rate of 4.4% by the end of the year, inflation stood at 18.4% in July.
Meanwhile, as of end-July 2023, the gross international reserves are adequate to support about four months of imports of goods and services.
The Economic Council was also informed that road infrastructure, education, purchase of fertiliser, and crop financing increased government expenditure, and there is a need to reprioritise other areas of its expenditures against growth, exchange rate, interest, and inflation.
On Foreign exchange, the CBG informed the Economic Council that the dalasi is stable against the US$, despite the double-digit inflation and remittances inflow increased in June compared to the same period in 2022. The CBG continues to monitor and implement policies to improve the coordination of FOREX Bureau operations.
The Gambia Revenue Authority presented a positive performance in July and reported that it surpassed its target by 25%, with customs and domestic tax collection recording significant improvements. The improvement in tax collections is associated with automating its collection system, minimising cash contact and the associated risks.
The Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs (MOFEA) updated on budget support, debt servicing, and performance contracts for SOEs and reported that Cabinet finalised and adopted the Recovery Focused- National Development Plan in June 2023. They are working on a financial strategy for its implementation. It also has ongoing initiatives on key budgetary reforms aimed at linking expenditure to national development priorities and piloting of Gender Responsive Budgeting (GRB) in the 2024-2026 budget.
The Ministry of Finance is also awaiting the finalisation of the 2022 audit to follow up on the next steps of its engagements.
The Accountant General reported on its implementation of CFA collection at bridges from August 2023, prepared guidelines for online air ticket procurement, and communicated to MDAs for performance.
As of July, collections at Senegambia Bridge were D238m, Samba Juma Basse Bridge was D7.8m, and Fatoto Bridge collected D589,000.
GIEPA reported that the Investment Incentives Awards Committee – IIAC had recommended eight (8) Special Investment Certificates – SICs for approval, with an estimated investment of USD38m and employment for 954 Gambians. The Agency also facilitates engagements with new companies interested in investing in the country.
GPPA reported on its key activities, including developing the Public Procurement Regulations 2023, professionalising the Gambian procurement job, and establishing Electronic Government Procurement.
The Ministry of Trade reported that an SIC study has been completed and validated. It informed the meeting on stocks that two months of inventory is available for most of the food items.
On regional integration, Wellingara- Bureng Lumo would be upgraded with fencing, security and lighting and updated that the labour survey 2022-2023 has been completed and will be validated.
Meanwhile, the construction of a food testing lab is 80% complete, and they will go through the accreditation process.
In the area of production, the Ministry of Agriculture (MOA) reported that dry-season rice production is mainly at the harvesting stage. A combined total of 312.4 metric tonnes of certified seeds was also secured from various projects and the National Seed Secretariat for free distribution to farmers this rainy season. The National Food Security Processing and Marketing Corporation (formerly GGC), in collaboration with over 80 Cooperative Primary Marketing Societies (CPMSs) and 20 Agricultural Mixed Farming Centers across the country, sold the available fertiliser at D1,150 per bag, constituting 50% subsidy.
The Ministry of Agriculture also reported that 80 hectares of farmland were ploughed for community members in CRR and URR. It recommends the purchase of 200 additional tractors over the next three (3) years. This number would complement the existing tractors’ workload and improve the existing fleet’s overall uptime, performance, and operational reliability.
The Ministry of Tourism and Culture (MoTC) reported a 24% increase in tourist arrivals in the second quarter of 2023, with 49,132 tourists visiting the Gambia compared to 22,040 in the same period of 2022.
The Gambia country brand was successfully registered on June 30, 2023, and the Tourism Ministry is working with the Registrar General’s Department of the Ministry of Justice to have the brand registered internationally.
To facilitate development in the Tourism Development Area (TDA), the MoTC has completed the planning and demarcation of 21 plots now available for investment.
The plots are in Sanyang, Gunjur, Kartong, Tujereng-Batokunku, and Tanji. The MoTC has also completed the design and bill of quantities for constructing a duplex strip road in the Tourism Development Area.
The National Roads Authority (NRA) has been assigned to execute the work, and construction has already begun.
Source: State House, Banjul, 17 August 2023′
Credit to: thepoint.ng
War unnecessary, but we’re ready to defend ourselves, Niger junta tells ECOWAS
The leader of the junta who seized power in the Niger Republic, Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, said on Saturday that his country does not want war, but will be ready to defend itself if necessary.
“Neither the army nor the people of Niger want war, but we will resist any manifestation of it,” Tchiani was quoted as saying by the Al Jazeera broadcaster.
He noted that the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States do not realise that Niger has become the key to containing the region from destabilisation against the backdrop of increased terrorist activity.
Tchiani added that the sanctions imposed against his country were aimed at putting pressure on the rebels, and not at finding a solution to the current situation.
In addition, Tchiani said that rebels do not seek to seize power in the country but rather seek to come to a solution that would meet the interests of the people.
On Saturday, media reported that an ECOWAS delegation arrived in the capital of Niger and met with deposed President Mohamed Bazoum to assess the conditions of his detention.
Later in the day, Reuters reported that the delegation also held talks with Tchiani.
A coup took place in Niger on July 26 and Bazoum was ousted and detained by his own guard, led by Tchiani.
Following the coup, ECOWAS suspended all financial aid to Niger, froze rebels’ assets, and imposed a ban on commercial flights to and from the country.
In early August, during a summit in the Nigerian capital of Abuja, ECOWAS leaders agreed to activate a standby force to potentially compel the Nigerien military to reinstate Bazoum.
On Friday, ECOWAS Commissioner for Political Affairs Abdel-Fatau Musah said that ECOWAS general staff chiefs had agreed on a date for the beginning of military intervention, but would not make it public.
NAN
Credit to: punchng.com
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SATURDAY QUOTE
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ECOWAS response to coups d’etat as a means of unconstitutional change
The Economic Community of West African State (ECOWAS) did define clearly, its grounds for intervention, ‘establishing that it would respond to humanitarian disasters, threat to peace and security for the sub-region, and disorder occurring after threats to a democratically elected government’. These positions are rooted in the October 1999, framework for peace operations, the Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security. The main organ supporting its peace and security responsibilities are the Mediation and Security Council (MSC) and the Executive Secretariat, now the Commission. The MSC is composed of the Heads of State and/or the Foreign Ministers from ECOWAS member states.
The MSC has several supporting mechanisms in the form of committees – the Defense and Security Commission (DSC), the Council of Elders and the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). It is necessary to reflect more on the role of ECOMOG, as ECOWAS is being questioned on the authenticity of the Standby Force and its legality. It will be recalled that in 2004, ECOWAS announced its decision to create rapidly deployable standby capacity through ECOMOG. The Protocol identifies ECOMOG as its military component, to be based on a standby arrangement involving the use of national contingents. These contingents are expected to be earmarked, train and equipped in advance of deployment and prepared for such deployment at short notice.
To this end, the Defense and Security Commission approved the concept of a 6,500 strong force with three parts. 1,500 rapidly deployable troops, followed by a brigade of 3,500 troops for more prolonged missions and 1,500 troops in reserve.
Deployment is also subjected to operational requirements and procedures of the force and an evaluation of equipment and logistics capabilities of member states through such exercises as the Contingent Owned Equipment (COE) evaluation. However, there is a challenge here, that the infrastructure needed for logistic depots in the sub-region is in Mali, which is on the other side of the divide, as the latter is in support of the putschists.
In other words, the ECOWAS Standby Force is in place and the size has since been doubled to 12,500 troops and can be activated within the rules of subsidiarity which it requires the authorization of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, in accordance with Art 53 of the UN Charter. In this regard, it should be noted that to activate the Standby Force, a minimum of 6 weeks is needed for it to be effectively deploy. Therefore, the Communique issued at the 2nd ECOWAS Summit of 10 August 2023 did not contradict itself, as efforts, will be on, at different tracks – diplomatic negotiations and economic sanctions, to ensure that, eventually, the stage of final deployment is avoided. We should also realize that such negotiations can sometimes be painfully slow. It may equally be pertinent, to point out, that according to Ademola Abbas (‘Consent Precluding State Responsibility: A critical Analysis (2004), ‘the Member States of the Economic Community of West African State (ECOWAS) gave their consent to the organization taking enforcement action on their territories by ratifying a protocol. Thus, since all members of ECOWAS have consented, taking enforcement action on their territories, such enforcement actions arguably do not breach international law’. In effect, collective security, in this respect, even allows member states’ action to intervene through a standby force arrangement, without recourse to their parliament, to undertake such action, although this may be controversial.
It should also be necessary to point to the effectiveness of economic sanctions, including the no-fly zone measure. It must be said that a no-fly zone measure is not a humanitarian measure, as it was claimed against the Libyan regime. Thus, it does not require the degrading of Niger’s air assets. The measure in this instance is to put economic pressure on the regime and not to destroy assets. In fact, the regime also aided, inadvertently, ECOWAS position by imposing a no-fly zone in the territory.
Overall, it is expected that this and other sanctions will bite the regime into submission.
In practical terms, what does military intervention mean, within the concept of the standby force arrangement. In its execution, there are 6 Scenarios, and the last scenario is military intervention by way of the Standby Force arrangement. The six scenarios are the following –
- Provision of advice to a political
- Observer mission co-deployed with AU/UN mission
- Stand-alone Observer mission
- Peacekeeping force for Chapter VI and preventive deployment
- Peacekeeping force for complex multi-dimensional peace keeping mission with low-level
- ECOMOG Intervention (Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes through Coup d’Etat)
However, following the December 2022 pronouncement of ECOWAS, which signifies its absolute anathema to coup d’etat and which considers coups in whatever form, as a threat to collective security. Intervention here is simply put, denotes the use of overwhelming force. ‘Collective security measures are actions or authorized by the UN Security Council, on behalf of the international community, to enforce
international law’. Therefore, on the part of ECOWAS, it is on the right course, in its quest of intervening in Niger Republic. Before intervening, all it must do, request the authorization of the AU Peace and Security Council, which automatically requests the approval of UN Security Council.
A question to be asked is, is military intervention the first option to be presented to the putschists. Given the near penchant of coup making in the neighborhood, it was deemed necessary to come out, heavy handed, in ensuring that no one defiles the will of the organization, in terms, of the maintenance of democratic practice. If there is need for change, then it will have to wait for another round of elections. This was affirmed in the December 2022 pronouncement through a communiqué.
Nonetheless, majority of West Africans, including Nigerians question the sanctimonious attitude of ECOWAS, to coup making as anathema while condoning other forms of Unconstitutional Change of Governments, within the neighborhood. They asked, where was collective security, when the situation in Guinea was brewing; when Ouattara of Cote d’Ivoire changed the constitution; what was the reaction of the organization to the attempt by the President of Senegal to extend his tenure; as well as the lackluster nature of the previous regimes in Mali and Bukina Faso, when they were obviously going against constitutional provisions. These are pertinent questions for ECOWAS to answer for them to be credible in front of their citizens, in its attempt at intervention.
Arising from the regime change in Niger Republic, one may want to ask, what are the likely factors that instigated the change. Here, I will mention three possible factors that come to the fore, among many others. The first, is the attempt to eradicate the vestiges of French colonialism in Niger. The lingering French domination through a series of unequal treaties between France and Niger and indeed many French West African countries leaves much to be desired. However, I do not in my honest opinion, agree to this factor of eradicating the vestiges of French colonialism. Because, if that is the case, why would they, in all honesty, think of replacing that with the Wagner
Group and even Russia. There is evidence of Wagner complicity in the pillaging of Sudan’s resources, to the detriment of the Sudanese people. Furthermore, the Wagner Group is likely to replace the French in the exploration of Uranium, given the non-state party access to such strategic material thereby contributing to fragile global security by way aiding the development of dirty nuclear arsenal.
The second point and which is of vital importance is the three-prong burner that is fueling conflict on the African continent. These are power contestation, identity management, and equitable distribution of proceeds of (natural) resources. In contemporary Niger, Bazoum and former President Issoufou are in a power struggle. Bazoum wants to show himself as being in control of affairs while Issoufou wanted to be the power behind the throne and attempt to direct things, sometimes openly. It should also be noted that Issoufou comes from the majority Hausa tribe, which constituted about 60% of the population and Bazoum comes from the Shuwa Arab tribe which is about 2% of the entire population, leading to the accusation that Bazoum comes from Libya. Again, the Presidential Guard headed by Tchiani (who planned and executed the coup), remained largely intact from the days of Issoufou. Most of them were Issoufou loyalists and belong to the Hausa and the Zamba tribes which constitute 20% of the population. Through a combination of policies, Bazoum tried to upset the apple carte by attempting to change the headship of the presidential guards as well as re-organized certain interests in the energy sector, mainly the oil sector and uranium exploration. This is a sector of the economy that Issoufou has a lot of interest in. From the foregoing, all the three are complete here. Power contestation between Bazoum and Issoufou; the fact of Bazoum belonging to a minority tribe and inappropriate management of identity and the need for equitable distribution of proceeds of natural resources – continued control by Issoufou, even being out of power.
Thirdly, it is necessary to interrogate and examine ECOWAS decision to come against the coup in Niger Republic. The kernel of ECOWAS position is aimed at ‘countering terrorism across West Africa and in particular, the Sahel, which still remains an ungovernable space and reinstating democratic governance following military coup d’etat’. These two threats were perceived as rather germane to the continued insecurity of West Africa. These seem to crystallize the sub-regional thinking of what constitutes the elements of regional security. To this end, in classical international engagements, states form an ‘alliance for the purpose of using force to resist external aggression (exogeneous phenomenon) on any of its members’, in this case exogenous to democratic order in Niger and therefore, breaching the peace of both Niger and that of the neighborhood. Therefore, the use of the standby force arrangement is directed against those who breach the peace, ‘and when you enforce an action against someone, you do not need their permission to do so’.
In my humble opinion, I wish to advise that ECOWAS should focus on both diplomatic negotiations and maintain economic sanctions as a means of convincing the putschists to negotiate a way back to status quo ante, while holding the deployment of the standby force as a final card which can be dealt. This, nonetheless, does not detract from ECOWAS abhorrence of military coups and terrorism in its neighborhood. It would ultimately allow for the development of an appropriate Concept of Operations (CONOPS) to fit the demands of a Niger operation if required.
Credit to: thecable.ng
ECOWAS defence chiefs agree ‘D-day’ for Niger military intervention
West Africa’s main bloc has agreed on a “D-day” for possible military intervention to restore democracy in Niger after generals toppled and detained President Mohamed Bazoum last month.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) agreed on Friday to activate a standby force as a last resort if diplomatic efforts fail, a senior official said without disclosing when that is.
“We are ready to go any time the order is given,” ECOWAS Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security Abdel-Fatau Musah said during the closing ceremony of a two-day meeting of West African army chiefs in Ghana’s capital, Accra.
“The D-day is also decided. We’ve already agreed and fine-tuned what will be required for the intervention,” he said, emphasising that ECOWAS was still seeking to engage peacefully with Niger’s military leaders.
“As we speak, we are still readying [a] mediation mission into the country, so we have not shut any door.”
The defence chiefs met to fine-tune details of the potential military operation to restore Bazoum if ongoing negotiations with the coup leaders fail.
“Let no one be in doubt that if everything else fails, the valiant forces of West Africa, both the military and the civilian components, are ready to answer to the call of duty,” Musah said.
Military officers deposed Bazoum on July 26 and have defied calls from the United Nations, ECOWAS and others to reinstate him.
Al Jazeera’s Charles Stratford, reporting from Accra in Ghana, said that any possible military intervention against Niger’s coup leaders by ECOWAS still faces “many political and legal hurdles before it could ever be implemented”.
“These include approval by parliaments and legislative bodies of participating West African states, a number of which, including regional powerhouse Nigeria, have already said no to any potential military action yet,” Stratford said.
Mutaru Mumuni, executive director at the West Africa Centre for Counter-Extremism, told Al Jazeera that ECOWAS appeared to be sending “mixed and confusing” signals regarding Niger.
According to Mumuni, the bloc has said that the military option is a last resort and that it has opened the door for dialogue and negotiation. But, at the same time, the bloc also seems focused on military intervention, which would be “very unpopular”, he said.
“There isn’t any goodwill within the local space for any war or military intervention in Niger,” Mumuni added.
Bazoum, whose 2021 election was a landmark in Niger’s troubled history, has been held with his family at the president’s official residence since the coup, and international concern is growing over his conditions in detention.
ECOWAS has a poor track record in stemming the region’s rampant coups. Neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali have each had two within three years.
Niger’s coup was seen by the international community and ECOWAS as one too many. In addition to threatening a military invasion, the bloc has imposed severe economic and travel sanctions.
But as time drags on with no military action and a standstill in negotiations, Niger’s military leaders are becoming entrenched in power, leaving ECOWAS with few choices.
But any use of force would further destabilise West Africa’s impoverished Sahel region, which is already engaged in a decade-old battle with armed groups.
Niger also has strategic importance beyond West Africa because of its uranium and oil reserves and role as a hub for foreign troops involved in the fight against the armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS).
Credit to: Aljazeera
TODAY IN HISTORY
August 19th, 1964 World’s First Geostationary Satellite is Launched
Syncom 3, a communications satellite was launched from Cape Canaveral in Florida. A geostationary satellite is a manmade object that follows the Earth’s rotation around its axis. Because of this, it looks like it is not moving in the sky for observers on Earth. Like all geostationary satellites, Syncom 3 was placed in orbit about 22,00 miles from Earth, above the Equator and near the International Date Line. The 1964 Tokyo Olympics were broadcast to the United States with the help of this satellite.
D5 Creation