The hail of gunfire which woke the residents of Libreville, the capital of Gabon, on Wednesday, signified the latest military coup in Africa and the 10th on the continent since 2017.

The reverberations from the gunfire jolted not only Gabon but Africa and the world. Coming a month after the presidential guards in Niger ousted the democratically elected government of President Mohamed Bazoum, the development in Gabon is raising red flags and concerns across the globe.

A dozen soldiers had Wednesday morning appeared on Gabonese national television, announcing the cancellation of recent election results and the dissolution of “all the institutions of the republic.”

The announcement came after President Ali Bongo Ondimba, 64, was re-elected for a third term, extending his family’s half-century rule over the oil-rich Central African country of 2.3 million. The Bongo family, one of Africa’s most powerful dynasties, has been in power since 1967. But the opposition described the poll as a ‘fraud orchestrated’ by the ruling party.

The president confirmed he is under house arrest and called for help, urging citizens to ‘make noise.’ However, reports said there have been scenes of celebration in Libreville since the military takeover.

Speaking to the French newspaper Le Monde, coup leader Brice Nguema assured that the president will “enjoy all his rights.” “He is a Gabonese head of state. He is retired. He enjoys all his rights. He is a normal Gabonese, like everyone else,” Nguema said.

The military leader declined to confirm whether he would declare himself the new president of the Central African country.

“I do not declare myself yet. I do not envisage anything for the moment. This is a debate that we are going to have with all the generals. We will meet at 2 pm. It will be about reaching a consensus. Everyone will put forward ideas, and the best ones will be chosen as well as the name of the person who will lead the transition,” he added.

In what appears to be a confirmation of what the United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres called ‘’an epidemic of coup d’états,” in his condemnation of the military takeover in Sudan in October 2021, the successful overthrow of 10 democratic governments by their respective armies points to a resurgence of rabid antagonism to democracy in Africa.

Out of the 486 attempted or successful military coups carried globally since 1950, Africa accounts for the largest number with 214, of which at least 106 have been successful.

Based on data compiled by American researchers Jonathan Powell and Clayton Thyne, at least 45 of the 54 nations across the African continent have experienced at least a single coup attempt since 1950.

Africa’s current wave of coups began in 2019 when President Omar al-Bashir was deposed by the Sudanese Armed Forces following mass demonstrations calling for his ouster. The army under the command of Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf overthrew the government and National Legislature and proclaimed a three-month state of emergency in the nation. This was followed by a two-year transitional period before an agreement was eventually reached.

A few months later on August 18, 2020, parts of the Malian Armed Forces initiated a mutiny, which was followed by a coup d’état. Several government officials were detained, including President Ibrahim Keta, who resigned and dissolved the government.

Following in the footsteps of their neighbours, the Malian Army under the command of Vice President Assimi Gota seized President Bah N’daw, Prime Minister Moctar Ouane, and Minister of Defence Souleymane Doucouré on the evening of May 24, 2021. This was the nation’s third coup d’état in 10 years, following the military takeovers in 2012 and 2020, the latter of which occurred just nine months earlier.

Two months later, the coup virus spread northwards and infected the Hichem Mechichi government which ousted Tunisian President Kais Saied and also suspended the Assembly of Representatives of the People on July 25, 2021. Described as a self-coup, the action followed a period of political unrest highlighted by a string of protests and the breakdown of Tunisia’s healthcare system in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic.

As the world was trying to make sense of what was happening in Tunisia, Alpha Condé, the president of Guinea, was taken prisoner by the military on September 5, 2021. The leader of the Special Forces announced the dissolution of the government and constitution in a broadcast that was televised on state television by Mamady Doumbouya. Conde’s third term Presidency had earlier sparked violent and mass protests in the country after a disputed election in October and a new constitution in March 2020 which allowed him to sidestep the country’s two-term limit.

Expectedly, the Economic Community of West African States condemned the coup and called for the restoration of constitutional authority in the beleaguered country. The regional bloc was still in the process of arraying granite sanctions against the junta when General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the Sudanese military staged a coup against the country’s government on October 25, 2021. Five top government officials, at least, were initially detained.

In consecutive fashion, the democratic administrations in Burkina Faso and Niger were also dismantled by their respective armed forces. On January 23, 2022, Burkina Faso experienced a coup d’état. The military made a television announcement that President Roch Kaboré had been removed from office.

Nine months later on September 30, Burkina Faso military leader President Paul-Henri Damiba was deposed in the country’s second coup in a year, as army Captain Ibrahim Traore took charge, dissolving the transitional government and suspending the constitution. The junta cited his failure to handle the nation’s Islamist insurgency.

On July 26, 2023, the presidential guard of the Republic of Niger detained President Mohamed Bazoum. Shortly after declaring the coup a success, presidential guard commander General Abdourahamane Tchiani assumed control of a new military junta.

Though the avalanche of military takeovers has been resisted by ECOWAS and the international community, this has not yielded the necessary result or curbed the appetite of African militaries for political power. Beyond the stock excuses for the takeovers, other factors adduced for the military intervention in democracy include foreign support or involvement, lack of discipline as well as the weakness of the regional and continental bodies such as ECOWAS, African Union, and others.

Meanwhile, the coup in Gabon has attracted reactions from the international community with the Commonwealth condemning the situation. Secretary-General Patricia Scotland said the situation was “deeply concerning.”

“The Commonwealth Charter is clear that member states must uphold the rule of law and the principles of democracy at all times,” Scotland said.

French government spokesman Olivier Veran said Paris condemns the coup in Gabon and wants the election result to be respected. Earlier, Prime Minister Elisabeth Borne said France is following events in Gabon “with the greatest attention.”

Paris maintains a military presence in many of its former colonial territories, including Gabon, where it has 370 soldiers permanently deployed, some in the capital, Libreville, according to the French Ministry of the Armed Forces website.

Also, Russia has expressed concern about the situation in Gabon. “Moscow has received with concern reports of a sharp deterioration in the internal situation in the friendly African country. We continue to closely monitor the development of the situation and hope for its speedy stabilisation,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokeswoman Maria Zakharova stated.

Retired diplomats attributed the coups to the failure of the political leaders to meet the needs of their people. A former Nigerian ambassador to Mexico, Ogbole Amedu-Ode, said the politicians must learn to deliver their mandates once elected.

Amedu-Ode stated, “Contemporary military interventions in the democratic political processes in the African region appear in Mali (August 2020 and May 2021), Guinea (September 2021), Burkina Faso (January and September 2022), Niger (July 2023), and now Gabon(August 2023). From the above enumeration, West Africa is clearly the epicentre of the resurgence of coup d’etats in the political processes in our part of the world.

“However, this resurgence of military intervention is the phenomenon of the regression of democracy which in itself is a consequence of democracy’s failure to deliver on its dividends to the people. Politicians and others involved in our political process must exert themselves to deliver on their promises.”

Retired diplomat, Amb Rasheed Akinkuolie pointed out that poor governance often leads to coups in Africa, warning, however, that coups do not yield positive results.

“Coups never bring positive results into society. In most cases, it worsens an already bad situation. One family in Gabon has been ruling for the last 55 years which is uncalled for. If they had governed well, that is a different issue. In Saudi Arabia, it is the same family ruling for years but they are happy.

“When you have a government that does not govern the people well enough, it gives room for a military coup. The military coup does not solve any problem and at the end of the day, it will be the people against the military which is worse. The people will take arms against the military. Senegal for 60 years has not had any coup. When there is a crisis, they solve it. That is a sign of civilization,” he submitted.

A former ambassador to Argentina, Chive Kaave maintained that democracy was still the best form of government, insisting that the forceful takeover of power was no longer fashionable.

He also cautioned Nigerian political leaders against complacency in delivering their electoral promises.

“All of these coups are a result of poverty, ignorance, disease, and the large scale of unemployment of young people. It should be a lesson to us here with the high rate of unemployment and ignorance. It is ignorance that is a challenge to democracy,’’ the ex-diplomat concluded.

Credit to: punchng.com

The Gambia has recorded a staggering 117 rape cases between January and July this year, according to a situation report issued by Gender Management Information System.

The report, issued yesterday at a press conference at the Bakoteh Orange Center, also revealed the country registered 310 survivors of Gender-Based Violence across the 8 operational One-Stop Centres in Kanifing, Banjul, Bakoteh, Bundung, Brikama, Basse, Bansang, and Bwiam.

The cases include 49 physical and 47 sexual assaults, 37 Intimate Partner violence, 6 FGM, 5 psychological, 5 defilement, 4 denial of resources, 3 emotional, 2 harassment, and 2 child marriages.

According to the report, the physical assault and IPV cases are mostly common among people aged 18 years and above, while survivors range from the ages of 10-14 and those aged 15-17 are mostly rape, sexual assault and defilement

Most FGM survivors, the report said, are between 5-9 years. It added that 100 percent survivors who reached out to the One-Stop Centres received support ranging from health care service to psychosocial support and that all survivors who wanted their cases to go further were all linked to the police and received appropriate legal support.

However, the report said most survivors did not pursue police or legal support. It indicated that of the cases reported for the period, 50% of perpetrators are between the ages of 20-35, while the average age of rape perpetrators is 25.

It is also reported that out of the 32 percent of the cases reported to police, over 70 percent preferred not to go to police or court.

According to the report, deeper analysis indicated that physical assault cases were mainly reported in Bansang One-Stop Centre while rape cases are mostly reported in Brikama One-Stop Center.

The Minister of Gender, Children and Social Welfare, Fatou Kinteh, said proper recording of GBV cases is critical for the government’s response and programming. She said the government is working on establishing a special court on gender-based violence and a forensic lab. Minister Kinteh said the government has a number of programs geared towards addressing issues of GBV. She commended the level of awareness that has been created to encourage reporting cases of GBV but raised concern over victims’ families withdrawing cases which is hindering prosecutions.

“The withdrawing of cases has been a big concern but I want to assure you that henceforth we will not allow the withdrawal of cases especially rape cases,” she said.

The UNFPA country representative, Ndeye Rose Sarr, said the number of cases recorded is appalling and called for more advocacy and action from all stakeholders to address the root causes of GBV.  She urged victims to take advantage of the 199-emergency number to report all forms of violation for assistance.

A representative from the civil society, Fallu Sowe, commended the social and case workers in different GMIS centres across the country for their sleepless nights.

“We also have volunteers in communities who ensure that cases are reported and properly recorded at the regional level,” he said.

The GMIS centre was made operational in January 2023 to facilitate the delivery of quality services in line with global standards and GBV guiding principles and strengthen referrals in a timely and most appropriate manner. It is supported by the UN Systems in partnership with the Gambia Government.

Credit to: standard.gm

Afounding member and a chieftain of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Alhaji Buba Galadima, has described the purported suspension of the party’s presidential candidate, Rabiu Kwankwaso as a “Nollywood and Hollywood joke”.

Galadima who said this to ChannelsTV during a programme noted that NNPP was not suffering from any internal crisis as projected to the public.

He added that Kwankwaso did not commit any anti-party activities and was not in any time suspended by the party.

Recall that a faction within the party suspended Kwankwaso, the party’s presidential candidate for the February 25, 2023, election, alleging “material evidence” in public that the former Kano state governor was involved in “anti-party activities in various meetings” on Tuesday.

The faction further alleged that Kwankwaso had political meetings with President Bola Tinubu, then candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) competitor, Atiku Abubakar, and Labour Party (LP) candidate Peter Obi without the party’s permission.

Galadima, on the other hand, has dismissed the allegations.

“When I saw it on social media, I thought it was like a Nollywood or Hollywood joke,” Galadima said in reference to Kwankwaso’s suspension on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Tuesday night.

He claimed that the leaders of the said group had been expelled from the NNPP.

“Now let me make a small correction, those that were expelled were Boniface Okechukwu Aniebonam and Gabriel Agbor Major,” he maintained.

“All of them who were expelled were called to a disciplinary committee. They were drilled and they accepted their sins and it was on the basis of their acceptance that they were recommended to the Nation Working Committee for expulsion.”

Galadima also accused political opponents of orchestrating internal squabbles within the party, but emphasised that the NNPP remains strong.

“A lot of people are interested in this party in the sense that the other parties felt that they could only survive if they destroy this party.

“But unknown to them we are as solid as the Rock of Gibraltar,” he said.

He continued: “As a politician, we can meet with anybody.

“He took permission from us,” the party chieftain argued. “Whatever the case, Kwankwaso had permission from the party to meet with President Tinubu and talk to any other political group. So, he didn’t do this on his own.”

Credit to: saharareporters.com